This collaborative work brings together international lawyers and political scientists to explore whether and how the retreat of the US, and the simultaneous rise of China, affect the dynamics of multilateralism to which the EU claims to adhere. It focuses on the trilateral interaction between these three actors and the policy impact their interactions have in specific multilateral settings and examines cooperation, competition and confrontation of these three actors in key international organizations such as the WTO, UNESCO, Human Rights Council and UNCLOS, NATO, the ASEAN Regional Forum and the World Health Organization in times of Covid-19. It also addresses their approaches and attitudes toward international humanitarian norms and the peace process in the Middle-East. This book offers an insightful exploration of the future of multilateralism under the impact of the Trump administration and probes the future of the liberal international order. It will provide excellent reading material on current affairs for both graduate and undergraduate students in international law and international relations, in particular for courses relating to international organization, multilateralism, or the US, China and the EU in international affairs. For experienced researchers the book proposes in-depth studies that relate to major debates in the disciplines of international law and international relations.
This collaborative work brings together international lawyers and political scientists to explore whether and how the retreat of the US, and the simultaneous rise of China, affect the dynamics of multilateralism to which the EU claims to adhere. It focuses on the trilateral interaction between these three actors and the policy impact their interactions have in specific multilateral settings and examines cooperation, competition and confrontation of these three actors in key international organizations such as the WTO, UNESCO, Human Rights Council and UNCLOS, NATO, the ASEAN Regional Forum and the World Health Organization in times of Covid-19. It also addresses their approaches and attitudes toward international humanitarian norms and the peace process in the Middle-East. This book offers an insightful exploration of the future of multilateralism under the impact of the Trump administration and probes the future of the liberal international order. It will provide excellent reading material on current affairs for both graduate and undergraduate students in international law and international relations, in particular for courses relating to international organization, multilateralism, or the US, China and the EU in international affairs. For experienced researchers the book proposes in-depth studies that relate to major debates in the disciplines of international law and international relations.
This concise book addresses the new geopolitical realm which will ensue from the coronavirus pandemic, exploring how the main international actors will position themselves in the post-Covid-19 realities. Contrary to some analysts, the author argues that, rather than an acceleration of existing or latent trends, the post-coronavirus world will present novel and otherwise unexpected features and challenges. Even the previously ongoing tension between the US and China will morph into an additionally complex and multidimensional puzzle, making it much more difficult to manage. In this book, the author provides a few basic tools for further analysis of the evolution of the new world situation, in an innovative way. Two main axes orient how analyses will be performed: the shape and evolution of the US–China relationship (and their interactions with other international actors), and the degree of co-operation — for example, on climate change and security arrangements — in the transformed world. The author suggests that the pandemic will be responsible for new emergences and fractures, and yet our ever more divided world will at the same time support unifying forces and links, highly dependent on technological developments being shared and/or protected. The primary objective of this book is to draw a broad picture which will serve as a frame of reference for analysing how the community of international actors will react to major challenges — be they expected or unanticipated — in the post-pandemic world. It will be of immense interest to analysts, academics, politicians and students of international relations, geopolitics, strategy, and world affairs.
In light of new global challenges for international cooperation and coordination, such as the revival of protectionism, surge of populism, or energy-related issues, this volume highlights possible scenarios for the future of Global Economic Governance (GEG). The contributing authors analyze the substance of GEG as a normative framework for resolving collective action issues and promoting cross-border co-ordination and co-operation in the provision or exchange of goods, money, services and technical expertise in the world economy. Furthermore, the book examines drivers of fundamental shifts in global economic steering and covers topics such as power and authority shifts in the global governance architecture, technological and energy-related challenges, and the role of the G20 and BRICS in shaping global economic governance. “This book provides a very timely and nuanced account of the challenges facing the established global order.” Andrew F. Cooper (Professor of Political Science at the University of Waterloo) “This valuable collection from a new generation of innovative scholars of global economic governance offers insights from a broad range of theoretical approaches to the central policy issues of the day” John Kirton (Director of the Global Governance Program, Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto)
This edited book focuses on the dynamic balance between global cultural diversity and multilateral convergence in relevant policy areas that involve actual and potential policy convergences (and divergences): the environment, trade, peace and security, and human rights. It offers theoretical reflections about the impact of the concept of multiple modernities on new ideas, cultural backgrounds, and/or national or regional particularities. An interdisciplinary team of authors combines comparative policy analysis with theoretical dialogue about the conceptual, institutional, normative, and political dimensions of a new kind of multilateral cooperation. Finally, the book concludes that by stimulating an intercultural dialogue which goes beyond a mere "rational choice" approach, we can foster progress through a better understanding of the opportunities and limitations offered by a pluralist, varied, post-hegemonic, and multilayered form of multilateral cooperation. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of European/EU studies, economics, human rights, climate change, history, cultural studies, international relations, international political economy, security studies, and international law.
Traditionally, stability in Asia has relied on America's bilateral alliances with Japan, Australia, and the Republic of Korea. Yet in recent years, emergent and more active multilateral forums& mdash;such as the Six-Party Talks on North Korea and the East Asia Summit& mdash;have taken precedence, engendering both cooperation and competition while reflecting the local concerns of the region. Some are concerned that this process is moving toward less-inclusive, bloc-based "talking shops" and that the future direction and success of these arrangements, along with their implications for global and regional security and prosperity, remain unclear. The fifteen contributors to this volume, all leading scholars in the field, provide national perspectives on regional institutional architecture and their functional challenges. They illuminate areas of cooperation that will move the region toward substantive collaboration, convergence of norms, and strengthened domestic institutions. They also highlight the degree to which institution building in Asia& mdash;a region composed of liberal democracies, authoritarian regimes, and anachronistic dictatorships& mdash;has become an arena for competition among major powers and conflicting norms, and assess the future shape of Asian security architecture., reviewing a previous edition or volume
In this volume, several leading foreign policy and international relations experts consider the long term prospects and implications of US foreign policy as it has been shaped and practiced during the presidency of George W. Bush. The essays in this collection - based on the research of well-respected scholars such as Ole Holsti, Loch Johnson, John Ruggie, Jack Donnelly, Robert Leiber, Karen Mingst, and Edward Luck - offer a clear assessment: while US resources are substantial, Washington's ability to shape outcomes in the world is challenged by its expansive foreign policy goals, its exceptionalist approach to international relations, serious questions about the limits of its hard power resources as well as fundamental changes in the global system. Illustrating one of the central ironies of the contemporary situation in foreign affairs and international relations: that at the very time of the ‘unipolar moment,’ the world has become globalized to such an extent that the unilateralism of the Bush Administration leads as much to resistance as it does to coercion, compliance, and cooperation. American Foreign Policy in a Globalized World will be of interest to students and scholars of politics and international relations.
Examines the dynamics of regionalism in Eastern Asia. Japan's diplomatic history as well as the heritage of its conquest of Eastern Asia is examined alongside China's cultural geography, paradigmatic dynamics, and intra-regional economics. Ties between East Asia and Southeast Asia, as well as the influence of American military power and European integration are also considered.
November 1996 Do the forces that regional integration arrangements set up encourage or discourage a trend toward globally freer trade? We don't know yet. The literature on regionalism versus multilateralism is growing as economists and political scientists grapple with the question of whether regional integration arrangements are good or bad for the multilateral system. Are regional integration arrangements building blocks or stumbling blocks, in Jagdish Bhagwati's phrase, or stepping stones toward multilateralism? As economists worry about the ability of the World Trade Organization to maintain the GATT's unsteady yet distinct momentum toward liberalism, and as they contemplate the emergence of world-scale regional integration arrangements (the EU, NAFTA, FTAA, APEC, and, possibly, TAFTA), the question has never been more pressing. Winters switches the focus from the immediate consequences of regionalism for the economic welfare of the integrating partners to the question of whether it sets up forces that encourage or discourage evolution toward globally freer trade. The answer is, We don't know yet. One can build models that suggest either conclusion, but these models are still so abstract that they should be viewed as parables rather than sources of testable predictions. Winters offers conclusions about research strategy as well as about the world we live in. Among the conclusions he reaches: * Since we value multilateralism, we had better work out what it means and, if it means different things to different people, make sure to identify the sense in which we are using the term. * Sector-specific lobbies are a danger if regionalism is permitted because they tend to stop blocs from moving all the way to global free trade. In the presence of lobbies, trade diversion is good politics even if it is bad economics. * Regionalism's direct effect on multilateralism is important, but possibly more so is the indirect effect it has by changing the ways in which groups of countries interact and respond to shocks in the world economy. * Regionalism, by allowing stronger internalization of the gains from trade liberalization, seems likely to facilitate freer trade when it is initially highly restricted. * The possibility of regionalism probably increases the risks of catastrophe in the trading system. The insurance incentives for joining regional arrangements and the existence of shiftable externalities both lead to such a conclusion. So too does the view that regionalism is a means to bring trade partners to the multilateral negotiating table because it is essentially coercive. Using regionalism for this purpose may have been an effective strategy, but it is also risky. This paper - a product of the International Trade Division, International Economics Department - was prepared for a conference on regional integration sponsored by the Centre for Economic Policy Research, La Coru-a, Spain, April 26-27, 1996, and will appear in the conference proceedings.
