Analyzes the current state of violent conflict in the world and lays out a system of international conflict prevention. Three observations form the basis of the report: deadly conflict is not inevitable; the need to prevent such conflict is increasingly urgent; and successful prevention is possible. Inspired by the public health model of disease prevention, the report outlines practical measures to prevent deadly conflict that can be used by governments, internat. org's., non-governmental org's., religious leaders and institutions, the media, and business. For dangerous conditions, the report outlines options for early action to prevent mass violence.
Conflict is inherent to all human and inter-state relations, but it is not inevitable. Since the end of the Cold-War, the prevention of conflict escalation into violence through management and resolution has become a fundamental objective of the international system. So how does prevention work when it works, and what can be done when tried and tested practices fail? In this book, I. William Zartman offers a clear and authoritative guide to the key challenges of conflict prevention and the norms, processes and methods used to dampen and diffuse inter and intra-state conflict in the contemporary world. Early-stage techniques including 'awareness' 'de-escalation', 'stalemate', 'ripening', and 'resolution', are explored in full alongside the late or 'crisis' stage techniques of 'interruption', 'separation' and 'integration'. Prevention, he argues, is a battle that is never won: there is always more work to be done. The search for prevention - necessary but still imperfect - continues into new imperatives, new mechanisms, new agents, and new knowledge, which this book helps discover and apply.
Conflict is inherent to all human and inter-state relations, but it is not inevitable. Since the end of the Cold-War, the prevention of conflict escalation into violence through management and resolution has become a fundamental objective of the international system. So how does prevention work when it works, and what can be done when tried and tested practices fail? In this book, I. William Zartman offers a clear and authoritative guide to the key challenges of conflict prevention and the norms, processes and methods used to dampen and diffuse inter and intra-state conflict in the contemporary world. Early-stage techniques including awareness de-escalation, stalemate, ripening, and resolution, are explored in full alongside the late or crisis stage techniques of interruption, separation and integration. Prevention, he argues, is a battle that is never won: there is always more work to be done. The search for prevention - necessary but still imperfect - continues into new imperatives, new mechanisms, new agents, and new knowledge, which this book helps discover and apply.
The international community can creatively and aggressively address deadly conflict through mediation, arbitration, and the development of international institutions to promote reconciliation. The editors of this book designed a systematic framework with which contributors compare third party intervention in twelve conflicts of the post-Cold War period. They examine the role of international organizations--the United Nations, international development banks, and international law institutions--and they analyze the tools and forms of leverage in successful and unsuccessful mediations. Based on the case studies, the editors identify the most effective institutions, make recommendations for improving interventions, and elucidate several important insights into the mediation process and the role of the international community in dispute resolution.
When it comes to conflict resolution, is an ounce of prevention worth a pound of cure? Scholars present an analytical and methodological framework for evaluating this question with case studies from various countries to test this assertion.
Author: Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict
Publisher: Rowman & Littlefield
Category: Political Science
The basic logic of preventive diplomacy is unassailable. Act early to prevent disputes from escalating; reduce tensions that could lead to war; deal with today's conflicts before they become tomorrow's crises. Yet as we look at the record of these first years of the post-Cold War era, it is quite mixed. There have been some preventive diplomacy successes and opportunities that have been seized by major powers and international organizations to help preserve and protect the peace. But there also have been other opportunities that have been missed, with some of the century's most deadly conflicts the result. This study examines ten major post-Cold War cases including Croatia-Bosnia, Rwanda, the Baltics, Russia-Ukraine, Macedonia, and North Korea_to assess the key factors contributing to both the success and failure of preventive diplomacy. The method of case study analysis employed is based on the work of Alexander L. George. Authors include both leading academics and prominent policy officials with first-hand knowledge.
Of conference proceedings -- Power sharing in multiethnic societies : principal approaches and practices / Timothy D. Sisk -- Conflict prevention and management : the significance of Taratstan's experience / Mintimer Shaimiev -- Power sharing in the Russian federation : the view from the center and from the republics / Leokadia Drobizheva -- Distribution of power : the experience of the Russian federation / Vladimir N. Lysenko -- The settlement of interethnic conflicts and the experience of Russia / Mikhail Gorbachev -- The role of the military in preventing deadly conflict / Daniel J. Kaufman -- The role of military factors in preventing and resolving armed conflicts / Mahmut Gareev -- The role of the military in post-Cold War Russia / Andrei Kokoshin -- International peacemaking on the territory of the former USSR : problems and prospects / Andrei Kortunov -- Lessons from the Russian experience / Gail W. Lapidus.
Three inescapable observations form the foundation of this report. First, deadly conflict is not inevitable. Violence on the scale of what we have seen in Bosnia, Rwanda, Somalia, and elsewhere does not emerge inexorably from human interaction. Second, the need to prevent deadly conflict is increasingly urgent. The rapid compression of the world through breathtaking population growth, technological advancement, and economic interdependence, combined with the readily available supply of deadly weapons and easily transmitted contagion of hatred and incitement to violence, make it essential and urgent to find ways to prevent disputes from turning massively violent. Third, preventing deadly conflict is possible. The problem is not that we do not know about incipient and large-scale violence; it is that we often do not act. Examples from "hot spots" around the world illustrate that the potential for violence can be defused through the early, skillful, and integrated application of political, diplomatic, economic, and military measures. The Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict does not believe in the unavoidable clash of civilizations or in an inevitably violent future. War and mass violence usually result from deliberate political decisions, and the Commission believes that these decisions can be affected so that mass violence does not result. To undertake effective preventive action, the Commission believes that we must develop an international commitment to the concept of prevention, a habit of preventive investment, more effective regimes for controlling destructive weaponry, and a working portfolio of legal standards that rest on a normative consensus regarding the responsibilities of governments to each other and to their peoples. Responsible leaders, key intergovernmental and nongovernmental institutions, and civil society can do far better in preventing deadly conflict than the record of this century and the current epidemic of violence suggest. c.
"The specific question we explore is: What are the special roles and responsibilities of democracies in preventing deadly conflict, not only between themselves, but also among other states in the international system? As David Hamburg has observed, the established democracies "are likely to take the lead in formulating international norms of conduct with respect to intergroup relations, the proliferation of highly lethal weaponry, economic development in poorer nations, human rights, and the growth of democratic institutions. . The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is a prime example of the ability of the established democracies to work together. . ." Hamburg then goes on to ask provocatively: "Could a similar alliance, involving a wider coalition of democracies, be organized to ensure security on a worldwide basis, fuel economic growth with fairness, protect cultural diversity, and foster democratic values?"2 We focus here on the particular roles and responsibilities of democracies not to diminish the significance of other essential actors. Rather, recognizing that democracies wield great power, we explore their commensurate obligation to assume great responsibilities. At the outset, it may be useful."--Page 2.
This book argues that the most sustainable means of promoting peace within states is the development of good governance, which can address the root causes of conflict and meet basic human security needs. Good governance offers groups a 'voice' in resolving grievances at an early stage before they grow into major problems, safeguards human rights, and promotes a fairer distribution of resources.