This ambitious study, by a leading Spanish social scientist, analyses the mutual relationships between politics and the economy. Focusing on the experiences of Southern and Eastern Europe, it examines the complex interdependence between democracies, economic growth, social redistribution, and political culture. Are democratization processes the product of previous experiences of development, or of economic crisis? Can political regimes influence economic development and the distribution of material resources? In a context of economic constraints, to what extent are social democratic governments able to present a distinct identity in their policies? And can democratic governments, once established, increase support for democratic principles? Professor Maravall explores these and other crucial questions utilizing a wealth of evidence from official statistics to public opinion polls. His appendices also provide chronologies of the most influential studies on these topics, offering valuable background information and ideas for further reading.
This monograph is a collection of empirical and theoretical essays on the interplay between political regimes, military spending, and economic growth. Chapter 1 surveys the literature on political regimes, policies they choose and their economic consequences. Chapter 2 examines how democracy and conscription may affect the number of battlefield deaths and the value of a statistical life in military conflicts. Chapter 3 investigates how arms trade and military spending may affect economic growth. Chapter 4 examines the efficiency of political markets and factors influencing political polarization. Chapter 5 summarizes the findings and suggests the avenues for future research.
The Fountain of Privilege applies contemporary economic and political theory to answer long-standing historical questions about modernization. In particular, it contrasts political stability in Georgian England with the collapse of the Old Regime in France. Why did a century of economic expansion rupture France’s political foundations while leaving those of Britain intact? Comparing the political and financial institutions of the two states, Hilton Root argues that the French monarchy’s tight control of markets created unresolvable social conflicts whereas England’s broader power base permitted the wider distribution of economic favors, resulting in more flexible and efficient markets. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1994.
Building upon a wide range of literatures this book argues that international regulatory institutions become stronger when oligopolistic institutional arrangements decay and competitive pressures intensify. This is shown to be the case for global finance by careful studies of two inter-state institutions, the Basle Committee on Banking Supervision and the International Organization of Securities Commissions, and of the international banking and securities industries which they seek to regulate.
Why are representative democracies extensively criticised, yet remain widely aspired to throughout the world? Many citizens believe that democratic politicians operate with privileged information that allows them autonomy from genuine democratic controls, a phenomenon reinforced by the opacity of internal party politics. In established democracies throughout the world there is a widespread perception that political parties compete for power, yet no significant differences exist between them. Moreover, economic inequalities are no longer redressed by national governments in a world where markets are dominant and relevant decisions have been taken out of domestic politics. Citizens vote, but their choice is hardly relevant. This has led to widespread demands for 'more' democracy. But what does that mean in practice? Can democracies introduce greater 'representation' of citizens' interests? Do politicians operate as an autonomous caste hardly challenged by voters? Has political competition become irrelevant for the welfare of people? Do citizens want more democracy in internal party politics? And turning beyond the nation-state, has the European Union changed the scope of policy alternatives and influenced the accountability of politicians? What have been the consequences of European integration for national democracies? In his major new book, Jose Maria Maravall examines these and many other questions fundamental to democratic politics in the 21st Century. In doing so he draws extensively on original empirical evidence from 21 OECD parliamentary democracies from 1945 to 2010, and 1,259 country/year observations focused on politics, representation, parties, inequality, economic policies, and the political and economic conditions of European integration.
As market economic systems extend over southeast Asia, the debate over what role the state should play and what political regime is necessary for economic growth is hotly contested. This revised and updated text examines the political economy of specific countries in the region and follows with a thematic and comparative analysis of key issues.
"This book provides an original defense of classical liberalism. Tomasi argues that the high liberal conception of free and equal moral persons requires robust economic liberties as a condition of individual independence and self-authorship, while also justifying social supports for the less advantaged. Free Market Fairness is an important contribution to liberal thought."--Samuel Freeman, University of Pennsylvania "Tomasi's 'market democracy' is a fresh, important research program."--Elizabeth Anderson, University of Michigan "The great political power of free market ideas in recent decades has been unmatched by philosophical and moral defenses. John Tomasi's fresh exploration of market liberty will challenge orthodoxies left and right. An important and timely book."--Stephen Macedo, Princeton University "This is one of the very best philosophical treatments of libertarian thought, ever. John Tomasi cements his position as one of America's leading social and political philosophers."--Tyler Cowen, author of Creative Destruction "This book represents the most ambitious recent effort by a political philosopher to square the circle: free markets and fairness. Even readers who disagree with Tomasi's conclusions will find insight and clarity on every page."--Richard Epstein, New York University "Tomasi's elegant book resembles a long and friendly conversation between Friedrich Hayek and John Rawls--a conversation which, astonishingly, reaches agreement."--Deirdre McCloskey, author of Bourgeois Dignity and The Bourgeois Virtues "Tomasi is sympathetic to, and captures much of the point of, positions to the right of his, and positions to the left. The result is disarming and genuine. Readers will find themselves turning the pages, hoping not so much to spot the flaw as simply to learn something, and they will not be disappointed."--David Schmidtz, University of Arizona "This book makes a case that needed making and that will have a large impact on contemporary thinking about social justice."--Michael Zuckert, University of Notre Dame "Hayekian freedom and Rawlsian social justice both evoke attractive visions of how human beings might live together--something seldom acknowledged in our polarized political world. John Tomasi's Free Market Fairness treats both traditions with depth, nuance, and unremitting fair-mindedness, and then points us toward a synthesis. Social democrats and libertarians equally need to read this book."--Charles Murray, American Enterprise Institute "Political philosophers are apt to dig in to carefully constructed ideological bunkers from which they lob argumentative mortar shells at their opponents. John Tomasi prefers instead to build bridges. Well-crafted and provocative, Free Market Fairness will surely stimulate much conversation--and perhaps a few mortar rounds in response."--Loren Lomasky, University of Virginia "This is a terrific book--lively, stimulating, novel, and important. Written with clarity and lightness, it is appealingly wide-ranging, spanning political philosophy, intellectual history, and more. It will be widely read and cited."--Jacob T. Levy, McGill University
This book identifies and explores the mechanisms linking political institutions and variation in capitalist systems. A strong correlation exists between varieties of political regimes and varieties of capitalism: majoritarian political regimes are correlated with liberal market economies (LMEs) and consensus political regimes are correlated with coordinated market economies (CMEs). Still, correlation is not causation. Empirical findings illustrate that partisanship and policy legacies, the number of political parties, electoral rules, and constitutional constraints are significant indicators of LMEs and CMEs. Arsenault finds that majoritarian institutions create an environment of adversarial politics and strong competition between actors, which makes credible commitment to nonmarket coordination mechanisms unlikely. Consensus institutions, on the other hand, promote an atmosphere of cooperation and coordination between actors, thus encouraging credible commitment to nonmarket coordination mechanisms. Qualitative case studies of Germany, Britain, and New Zealand confirm the quantitative findings and suggest that political regimes were instrumental in shaping the economic adjustment paths of these countries during the era of liberalization in the 1980s.
For nearly two decades, the United States devoted more than $2 billion towards democracy promotion in the Middle East with seemingly little impact. To understand the limited impact of this aid and the decision of authoritarian regimes to allow democracy programs whose ultimate aim is to challenge the power of such regimes, Marketing Democracy examines the construction and practice of democracy aid in Washington DC and in Egypt and Morocco, two of the highest recipients of US democracy aid in the region. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, novel new data on the professional histories of democracy promoters, archival research and recently declassified government documents, Erin A. Snider focuses on the voices and practices of those engaged in democracy work over the last three decades to offer a new framework for understanding the political economy of democracy aid. Her research shows how democracy aid can work to strengthen rather than challenge authoritarian regimes. Marketing Democracy fundamentally challenges scholars to rethink how we study democracy aid and how the ideas of democracy that underlie democracy programs come to reflect the views of donors and recipient regimes rather than indigenous demand.
"The unfettered marketplace, in which uncertainty rules and the admonition caveat emptor ('let the buyer beware') dictates each consumer decision, has today virtually disappeared. Consumers have become the focus of intensive economic policymaking designed to protect them from the risks and disappointments of the market. . . . Today, arguably no other economic actor in the advanced industrial countries—not the investor, not the worker, not the welfare recipient—enjoys a more thorough set of legal and institutional protections than the modern consumer when he or she enters the corner store."—from the IntroductionGunnar Trumbull investigates the origins of national systems of consumer protection in France and Germany, where, in the early 1970s, consumer groups and producers organized to advance their own ideas about the identity and interests of the affluent consumer. Through a comparison of eight areas of policy—product liability law, product safety standards and recall, misleading advertising, comparative product tests, product labeling, quality standards, consumer contracts, and pricing—Trumbull shows that different conceptions of the consumer interest emerged in the two countries. The result was the development of distinctive national consumption regimes, which have in turn influenced the market strategies of domestic producers. Trumbull's findings help to clarify distinctive national approaches to recent product crises—including cases of BSE and genetically modified foods. His research suggests that, in the age of consumer capitalism, national competitiveness may hinge not only on endowments of labor and capital, but also on the institutional forms of national consumption.