Cardinal Richelieu is one of the best known and most studied statesmen in European history; his Spanish contemporary and rival, the Count-Duke of Olivares, one of the least known. The contrasting historical fortunes of the two men reflect the outcome of the great struggle in seventeenth-century Europe between France and Spain: the triumph of France assured the fame of Richelieu, while Spain's failure condemned Olivares to historical neglect. This fascinating book by the distinguished historian J. H. Elliott argues that contemporaries, for whom Olivares was at least as important as Richelieu, shared none of posterity's certainty about the inevitability of that outcome. His absorbing comparative portrait of the two men, as personalities and as statesmen, through their policies and their mutual struggle, offers unique insights into seventeenth-century Europe and the nature of power and statesmanship.
John H. Elliott nos ofrece aquí el análisis comparado de esas dos grandes figuras de la Europa moderna que fueron Olivares y Richelieu, y nos demuestra que fueron más semejantes -y más equilibrados en méritos- de lo que acostumbramos a suponer. Su análisis, sin embargo, va más allá de los hombres, a las formas de organización política, para atacar el tópico que da por sentado que el estado centralizado francés prefiguraba la forma de organización del futuro y tenía una inmensa superioridad sobre la fragmentada monarquía de los Austrias. Elliott ilumina con ello la historia del absolutismo y nos aporta nuevas perspectivas sobre el nacimiento del estado moderno.
Traces the life of King Philip IV's principal minister, describes the Count-Duke's efforts to stop Spain's decline, and looks at seventeenth century European politics
Although much has changed in the United States since the eighteenth century, our framework for gun laws still largely relies on the Second Amendment and the patterns that emerged in the colonial era. America has long been a heavily armed, and racially divided, society, yet few citizens understand either why militias appealed to the founding fathers or the role that militias played in North American rebellions, in which they often functioned as repressive—and racist—domestic forces. In Armed Citizens, Noah Shusterman explains for a general reader what eighteenth-century militias were and why the authors of the Constitution believed them to be necessary to the security of a free state. Suggesting that the question was never whether there was a right to bear arms, but rather, who had the right to bear arms, Shusterman begins with the lessons that the founding generation took from the history of Ancient Rome and Machiavelli’s reinterpretation of those myths during the Renaissance. He then turns to the rise of France’s professional army during seventeenth-century Europe and the fear that it inspired in England. Shusterman shows how this fear led British writers to begin praising citizens’ militias, at the same time that colonial America had come to rely on those militias as a means of defense and as a system to police enslaved peoples. Thus the start of the Revolution allowed Americans to portray their struggle as a war of citizens against professional soldiers, leading the authors of the Constitution to place their trust in citizen soldiers and a "well-regulated militia," an idea that persists to this day.
English summary: The Treaty of the Pyrenees of 1659 ended the Franco-Spanish war that began in 1635. The conflict's history of numerous earlier futile attempts to enforce peace shows that ithe treaty was about more than an appeasement of two particularly stubborn opponents. In 1659, the tectonics of the European state system were redesigned: the French hegemony began and the glorious Siglo de Oro of Spain ended. This volume brings together contributions from Spanish, French, Russian and German authors who trace the long road to peace and its reception in European scientific cultures. German text. German description: Der Pyrenaenfriede von 1659 beendete den seit 1635 gefuhrten franzosisch-spanischen Krieg. Seine Vorgeschichte mit den zahlreichen vergeblichen Versuchen, den Frieden schon fruher zu erzwingen, zeigt, dass es um mehr ging als eine Befriedung zweier besonders hartnackiger Kriegsgegner, die nach dem Westfalischen Frieden von 1648 noch ausstand. 1659 wurde die Tektonik des europaischen Staatensystems neu gestaltet: Die franzosische Hegemonie begann, das glorreiche Siglo de Oro Spaniens endete. Dieser Band versammelt Beitrage spanischer, franzosischer, russischer und deutscher Autoren, die den langen Weg zum Frieden und seine Rezeption in den europaischen Wissenschaftskulturen nachzeichnen.
This book offers an introductory guide for students to four centuries of diplomatic thought. Since diplomacy as we know it was created during the Renaissance in Italy, a number of major figures have reflected on the place of diplomacy in foreign affairs and the problems associated with its pursuit. These include statesmen, international lawyers and historians, most of whom had experience as diplomats of the first or second rank. This book examines the thought of some of the most important of them, from Niccolò Machiavelli in the early sixteenth century to Henry Kissinger in the late twentieth century.
The idea of a dialogue - sometimes harmonious, sometimes divisive - between the centre and periphery of the early modern European state stands at the heart of much of John Elliott's historical writing. It is the fulcrum around which his Imperial Spain revolves, and it lies at the heart of his analysis of the causes of the revolt of the Catalans against the centralising policies of the Madrid government. His writings on the Americas, such as The Old World and the New, likewise stressed the relationship between centre and periphery. This collection of essays by a group of Elliott's former students examines different aspects of this important theme and develops them. Taken together with the 'personal appreciation' of Elliott (Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford), it forms an important examination of the work of the greatest living historian of Spain as well as a major contribution to early modern European history.
Combining a broad analysis of political culture with a particular focus on rhetoric and strategy, Jeffrey Sawyer analyzes the role of pamphlets in the political arena in seventeenth-century France. During the years 1614-1617 a series of conflicts occurred in France, resulting from the struggle for domination of Louis XIII's government. In response more than 1200 pamphlets--some printed in as many as eighteen editions--were produced and distributed. These pamphlets constituted the political press of the period, offering the only significant published source of news and commentary. Sawyer examines key aspects of the impact of pamphleteering: the composition of the targeted public and the ways in which pamphlets were designed to affect its various segments, the interaction of pamphlet printing and political action at the court and provincial levels, and the strong connection between pamphlet content and assumptions on the one hand and the evolution of the French state on the other. His analysis provides new and valuable insights into the rhetoric and practice of politics. Sawyer concludes that French political culture was shaped by the efforts of royal ministers to control political communication. The resulting distortions of public discourse facilitated a spectacular growth of royal power and monarchist ideology and influenced the subsequent history of French politics well into the Revolutionary era. Combining a broad analysis of political culture with a particular focus on rhetoric and strategy, Jeffrey Sawyer analyzes the role of pamphlets in the political arena in seventeenth-century France. During the years 1614-1617 a series of conflicts occurred in France, resulting from the struggle for domination of Louis XIII's government. In response more than 1200 pamphlets--some printed in as many as eighteen editions--were produced and distributed. These pamphlets constituted the political press of the period, offering the only significant published source of news and commentary. Sawyer examines key aspects of the impact of pamphleteering: the composition of the targeted public and the ways in which pamphlets were designed to affect its various segments, the interaction of pamphlet printing and political action at the court and provincial levels, and the strong connection between pamphlet content and assumptions on the one hand and the evolution of the French state on the other. His analysis provides new and valuable insights into the rhetoric and practice of politics. Sawyer concludes that French political culture was shaped by the efforts of royal ministers to control political communication. The resulting distortions of public discourse facilitated a spectacular growth of royal power and monarchist ideology and influenced the subsequent history of French politics well into the Revolutionary era.
This volume covers a fascinating period in the history of the German army, a time in which machine guns, airplanes, and weapons of mass destruction were first developed and used. Eric Brose traces the industrial development of machinery and its application to infantry, cavalry, and artillery tactics. He examines the modernity versus anti-modernity debate that raged after the Franco-Prussian war, arguing that the residue of years of resistance to technological change seriously undermined the German army during World War I.
